Voting made easy

I participated in Young People, New Technologies and Political Engagement, a seminar hosted by the Institute of Advanced Studies, University of Surrey. In my presentation, titled “Am I bovvered?”: The Next Digital Divide (PDF of slides here), I talked about how newly eligible voters in Korea make sense of the online political culture shaped by the first generation of Internet users around the 2002 presidential election. BTW, I felt as if my thunder was stolen when Stephen, who opened up the event by his keynote speech, coincidentally used a photo from the Catherine Tate show, from which the title of my presentation was also inspired. ;)

TB meets Lauren Cooper

(from 10 Downing Street)

The seminar was thoroughly enjoyable. A general theme running through this two-day-long event was that young people are not necessarily apathetic in politics but engaging themselves in their own fashion and the concept of citizenship therefore has to be rethought accordingly. For example, Bennett in his keynote speech pointed to the need to “bridge the traditional civic education ideal of the Dutiful Citizen (DC) and the emerging youth ideal of self-Actualising Citizenship (AC)”.


What I particularly like about attending conferences like this one is to hear about real-life examples of ‘Internet politics’ in different sociocultural settings. One of my favourite this time was VoteMatch, a site originally developed in the Netherlands to assist the general electorate with their voting decisions.


You are shown 30 statements regarding different political issues with a choice of Agree/Disagree/Don’t know. After answering all 30, you are asked which among those issues you feel more strongly about (so that the responses can be weighed). Then the site will tell you who you should vote for! Simple as that. What the site does is basically to read election documents from parties and candidates and calculate which one is most matched to your political preferences for you. Could voting, “our sacred right and duty”, get any easier?


According to the presenter Fadi Hirzalla, statistics show that this “voting aid” actually influenced young voters’ decisions. Despite perfectly expectable criticisms of its ideological and methodological biases, this instrument became very popular in the Netherlands and is now adopted in other European countries like France, Germany, Switzerland and Bulgaria.


I am a big fan of any sort of Internet-based political activity, but this one was, even for me, a bit of a goose-bumpy surprise. It then got me to think why I have difficulty in accepting this while I would have no problem with anyone who actively seeks more information and expert advice in order to understand something better. I haven’t quite figured out whether today’s voters are dumber or smarter.

VoteMatch

(Mon vote à moi, French version of VoteMatch,

isn’t the name [My vote is mine] a bit ironical?)


* Reproduced from the original article on my website 

Blogging and the vernacular

I'm feeling quite proud of myself at the moment, as I have just redesigned my personal weblog... and if I do say so myself, it looks pretty amazing.  It is thoroughly Web 2.0 ready, with a whole host of neat widgets that do cool stuff down in the sidebars. Perhaps my favourite bit is the tag cloud. Not something you normally see on WordPress, which is category  rather than tag driven, but, with the help of a few plugins, it works really well (incidentally, for anyone interested in tag clouds, this is one of the best examples of their use that I have seen). 

The whole notion of a tag cloud gets you thinking about the way language is used online. Coincidentally, according to the Guardian's Art's blog the good people at OUP have been doing some research looking to measure the impact that blogging is having on the use of the English language. The results might back up the arguments made by those who are cynical about the potential of blogosphere to have an impact on democratic discourse. The fifteen most common words are: Blogger, blog, stupid, me, myself, my, oh, yeah, ok, post, stuff, lovely, update, nice and shit. Hardly inspiring stuff, reflecting the often-cited criticisms that bloggers are egotistical and combative. But we might also be going too far to write off the potential democratic impact of blogs because of such data. After all, if the blogosphere will reflect people's offline interests and experiences, so political discourse and civic activities will only make a up a small proportion of what is going on. The question is whether that proportion enables people to partake more effectively and easily than was previously the case. 

New Political Communication Unit announces major new ESRC-funded research project: Political violence in the new media ecology

New Political Communication Unit researchers Ben O'Loughlin and Akil Awan, along with colleague Andrew Hoskins at the University of Warwick, are set to begin work on a new Economic and Social Research Council funded project investigating the impact of new media on the new security environment in the post-9/11 age: Legitimising the discourses of radicalisation: Political violence in the new media ecology.

The two-year project, funded by a grant of £291,000, will treat the idea of 'legitimacy' as central to the development of and support for radicalising views and terrorist acts. This includes the ways in which these are represented in the news media and the apparent ease and speed with which those that espouse and carry out political violence can attract global media attention, and thus 'access' to audiences and the potential to influence policy-makers. These trends have been considerably accelerated with the advent of so-called 'new media', and particularly the Internet, which cheaply and effectively facilitates the organisation of groups and 'networks'. This is particularly the case with 'Web 2.0' which is the 'second generation' of internet services such as social networking sites that enable online collaboration and sharing among users.

The research will investigate the nature of radicalising discourses in Web 2.0 and how these and acts of political violence broadcast on the web are supported and 'legitimated'. This includes exploring how the acts themselves and explanations for them on the web are 'picked up' and represented in the mainstream television news media, through the journalistic and editorial uses of words, phrases, graphics, images, videos and so on. We will look at how interpretations of this term 'radicalisation' are shaped by news representations through investigating audience responses, understandings and misunderstandings.

The researchers will use and develop the latest methodologies and conceptual approaches to media research. Mapping and analysing communications across Web 2.0 and mainstream media, across languages, and across social contexts, presents difficult challenges, and the research will draw on research networks inside and outside of academia to utilise cutting edge analytical techniques in the field.

This research emerges out of a previous project: Shifting Securities: News Cultures Before and Beyond the 2003 Iraq War. Shifting Securities identified a 'growing securitisation of everyday life' in Britain where there is a great deal of mistrust and suspicion between policymakers, journalists, and citizens/news audiences, amplified through media coverage of security issues and events. Key to this are debates about the 'legitimacy' of the different groups involved and particularly concerning the aims and prosecution of the 'War on Terror'. The research will be of interest to policymakers, media organisations, academic researchers and civil society organisations. The project website will be launched in September 2007. Preliminary findings will be made available in July 2008, and a closing conference will be held in autumn 2009.

New Statesman New Media Awards

New Statesman logo

Looking at the list of finalists for this year's New Statesman New Media Awards, I'm impressed by a) the mainstream political entries (Cameron and the Downing Street E-Petitions) and b) what we might call 'non-official but with a mainstream purpose' sites (18 Doughty Street, The Government Says, PlanningAlerts).

This reflects a growing emphasis upon tools rather than talk. In other words, the shift towards web 2.0 seems to mean not greater opportunities for citizen dialogue but rather for low threshold ways for individuals to get things done. There is nothing intrinsically wrong with this, but it does reflect a conscious choice, of which we should be aware.

[Cross-posted at my Internet Politics book blog]

News and numbers

The BBC is monitoring the US-led ‘surge’ in Iraq , offering various indicators of its success or failure including body counts, levels of electricity provision and Iraqi hospitals’ intake of victims. In the report, the body count comes first, including a neat little graph. But, at the risk of sounding callous, is this body count necessarily the primary indicator of the ‘success’ of these military operations? Is a graph a useful way to think about this situation? The BBC does not include in its report what the military’s stated aims and objectives might be. By imposing their own benchmark, the BBC runs the risk of resentment from US or UK militaries, further weakening trust between journalists and military forces.

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Facebook: It came, it saw, it conquered?

I've been forced to seriously re-assess my view on Facebook in recent months.  First of all, I didn't have an account - and was fairly anti the whole idea of getting one.  Everything I had heard about Facebook was that it was a "locked down" environment - both in terms of the software and presentation available to users and the social networks that you could access on it.  As someone who has their own blog, who likes to control content, presentation and attached aps, and, perhaps most crucially of all, tries to be open to the Internet and its users, whether I've met them before or not, this seemed the complete antithesis of everything I wanted the Internet to be about.  Instinctively I favoured MySpace, which seemed a more open environment, where you had more control over presentation and the information was more accessible.  However, I was ultimately persuaded by a younger friend - which seems to be a recurring pattern amongst my peer group - who was using Facebook at university to sign up, and became the proud owner of a profile.  And I have to confess that I did find it useful.  It is a very convenient way to stay in touch with people or to make new contacts.  For the absent minded like myself, the birthday reminders alone made the whole system worthwhile.

We can notice two interesting elements in the development of Facebook, one social and the other technological.  Socially, people are using Facebook for all kinds of social activities, moving it far beyond a sophisticated version of Friends Reunited.  I was talking to another friend about this.  When I mentioned the One Million Strong For Barack campaign (currently with about 310,019 members), she was really put off.  Now my friend has a degree in politics, so is hardly disinterested in these matters.  However, for her Facebook was a place where she chatted with her friends.  Politics seemed to be a nasty, aggressive intrusion.  This cuts straight to the heart of the matter.  It is obvious to see why a political campaign would want to have 300,000-odd people supporting them online (although the real value of those figures, as I've blogged before, is one of the great mysteries of the modern political process) but there is a different question for average users. 

The fundamental issue is this; are social networking sites public or private spaces?  Or are they creating some new form of hybrid?  Should we imagine a social networking site to be like a busy coffee shop, with people conducting different conversations at different tables, some talking about music, others about film, or whatever else takes their fancy.  If we think of it in these terms, it is quite possible to imagine a group of activists meeting in the corner, chatting about which candidate they are going to support and how they are going to be active on their behalf.  Even if we do think of a social networking site in this way, there is still one crucial question.  Do you arrange to meet your friends before you go there (so are you just importing you offline friends?), or are you able to just drop in a meet new people, based upon shared interests you might have?  Or put another way, are you allowed to eavesdrop on other people's tables and, if the conversation takes you fancy, pull up a chair and join in?  The alternative extreme to the public space arrangement is to construct a social networking site that is more akin to a private environment.  Not a coffee shop, more a like a house party with no gatecrashers. 

Historically, this has always been Facebook's greatest selling point.  The fact it was locked down was appealing to many users - it made them feel safe, whereas the Internet itself felt like the Wild West.  Necessarily, this kind of structure will make a social networking site less useful to, for example, politicians running for office, as they will be much harder to develop a snowball effect in an online environment were people are less connected.  As a result, it will become far less rational for politicians to become involved social networking sites of this kind.  It probably isn't a coincidence that the rise to prominence of Facebook as a political campaigning tool has coincided with some measure of deregulation on the social networking site.  For example, the (slightly controversial) news feed was introduced in September 2006, whilst the site has also started to allow non-students to sign up (Wikipedia has a good article on Facebook including the history of the site).  It also, of course, makes the site commercially more valuable too.

These social changes though sink into insignificance in comparison with what Facebook has been up to in recent weeks and its evolving technology.  The site now allows third-parties to write applications that can be installed on your profile with a single click - so I now have an del.icio.us feed, so that every item I click on gets posted onto my profile; a graffiti ap that allows you to draw pictures on my page; the iLike ap that allows me to list my favourite songs and tie them to YouTube videos; a built in video player; and (my personal favourite) iRead, which allows me to select books from the Amazon database, indicate whether I have read them, want to read them or am currently reading them, as well as rate them and write reviews.  These are then all displayed on your profile.  Anyone can click and see my virtual bookshelf. 

It is very easy to get carried away about these kind of things.  And I frequently do (although I'm not the only one).  But I wonder if this might be a really, really, really profound event in the history of the Internet.  Let's think back to the 1980s and early 90s.  Computers were getting more powerful.  It was now practical to have unit on a desk that could do quite a lot of useful stuff.  But for the potential of this new technology to be realised a second ingredient was required.  That ingredient was - love them or hate them - Microsoft.  We went from something like this to something more - bizarrely - like this.  Computing became graphical, accessible and, perhaps most crucially of all, standardised and, as a result, entered into every office and a great many homes too. 

Let's fast forward.  Web 2.0 is in theory here already.  Yet how many people are really using it?  I can count my (non-Internet studying) friends who use RSS on the fingers of one hand, much less social bookmarking sites.  But now, Facebook is giving many more people the opportunity to use these technologies in a practical and accessible way, to transfer, chunk and prioritise information.  So maybe Facebook will become the Web 2.0 operating system?  Or maybe something else will come along tomorrow that will eclipse it?  I don't know.  But even in the few weeks since it launched its applications element, Facebook has made it clear that there is a niche for such a presence, and whoever gets it right first will become a very, very powerful organisation indeed. 

This should raise some concerns too, as has already been noted by some.  Indeed, if this is potentially the third great personal computing monopoly, then it is arguably the most dangerous.  People chose MS products because they served a purpose.  There were some network benefits (for example the ability to produce standardised documents that you could be pretty sure you could open on most machines), but largely it was about the relationship between an individual computer user and their PC.  It was always conceivable that someone could come along with something better, cheaper or easier to use.  Google's, the possessor of the second great monopoly, is perhaps on even less sure ground.  After all, people choose a search engine because it fulfills a specific function - it gives them the best list of results when they type a term in.  Although people might through habit keep going to Google, it is entirely conceivable that someone could come up with a better search engine, and gradually erode Google's market share simply through the quality of their product. 

But Facebook is an entirely different proposition.  This argument was made to me by Richard Price, the founder and director of a new social networking website for researchers called academia.edu, who I met through a mutual friend at a party a few months ago.  Social networking sites, he reckoned, were inherently monopolistic.  You don't just join them for the quality of the service, but also because of - perhaps obviously enough - the network that is attached to it.  In other words, once you have a really successful social networking site set up, it is quite hard to break it down, regardless of what other products might be out there.  Facebook's early lead may already be on the verge of turning into permanent advantage.                

Don't mention the war

Yesterday morning Radio 4's Today programme ended with a fascinating little discussion about what terms the Gordon Brown government might now use for Jihadist ideology or violence, following both Hillary Benn's declaration that he won't say 'war on terror' anymore and the conspicuous absence of the term 'Islam' from government statements after the weekend's incidents in London and Glasgow. But anyone can map these rhetorical shifts; the issue is what is driving them - what is generating them? (And can they be shifted again?) Intriguingly, the BBC political correspondent Nick Robinson said, "I’m told this stems from 18 months of work by the civil service about which language gets the results that they want in trying to woo, particularly, moderate Muslims to support the police and support the authorities."

Does anybody have a copy of this civil service study? For students of political communication this is surely gold dust! Who was sampled? Was it only Muslims in Britain? Does the civil service do investigations of effective rhetoric in other policy fields? Is this a civil service or party political matter? Are the civil service now evaluating how effective this new lexicon is, and according to what criteria? Are they testing the effect of the new lexicon on non-Muslims?

And from a more theoretical standpoint: What assumptions underlie the notion of ‘language getting the results that they want’? Has Sir Humphrey been reading Judith Butler?
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When news hosts attack

"I'm as mad as hell, and I'm not going to take this anymore!"... or so goes the famous line in Oscar winning film Network.   The plot focuses on news anchor Howard Beale, who, when he is fired for poor ratings, threatens to commit suicide live on air (bizarrely this element of the plot was actually influenced by real events).  However, in making his pronouncement, he becomes a lightning rod for all manner of public dissatisfaction and a ratings sensation, making TV like this.  There was something akin to a "network" moment on MSNBC the other day when news reader Mika Brzezinska refused to read an item about Paris Hilton. This event neatly summarised some of the tensions inherent in the modern TV newsroom, especially since the advent of 24 hours news.   

TV news is a strange medium. In the past few days, I've had 24 hour news on in the background quite a lot whilst I've been working - first for the Deputy Leadership election results on Sunday, then the Prime Ministerial handover on Wednesday, and the reshuffle yesterday, and then for details of the attempted London bombing today. The nature of continual news is quite frantic (and thus also quite exciting), but also deeply repetitive, as information is at a premium. As a viewer, you have to take everything with a pinch of salt, as organisations clearly have access to different sources and are willing to run it with different levels of supporting evidence. Sky, for example, proclaimed that Alan Johnson was going to be Deputy Leader of the Labour Party about forty-five minutes before the result came out on Sunday, necessitating a slightly embarrassing volte-face later on.

The Brzezinska-incident highlights another tension in 24 hour news - that it must be all things to all people. It needs to cover "serious" news, celebrity stories, sport, finance and everything else. The danger is that it may end up pleasing no one. I do wonder if this will be something that will limit the lifespan of this kind of communications. Other new communication technologies, especially those derived from the Internet, such as RSS, give the consumer a great deal of control over what information they are presented with. In contrast, TV news seems to be deeply prescriptive and top-down. Ultimately, I would guess we will see some kind of hybrid media, as Internet and television technology merge with each other.

Media Analysis Workshop: Reflections

 

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Why do journalists appear to fit news events into simple paths – even before those events have happened? Why do we commemorate so many events today – even if, like the Iraq war, those events haven’t even finished? How do we discern the role of media in forming memories of events? And when analysing media texts, if the meaning of words and images are always context-dependent, how can we possibly know the context of communications in today’s complex interplay of ‘new’ and ‘old’ media? If we’re tracing the movement and adaptation of political ideologies and discourses online, anywhere in the world, we can’t possibly know the social setting of those participating – can we? Researchers attending the media analysis workshop hosted by the NPCU this week examined three major research projects that wrestle with these challenges (see post below for details).

Participants also discussed the pros and cons of various software for media analysis, such as Transana, Touchgraph, IssueCrawler and HyperRESEARCH. It seems some or all of these will be used by participants in subsequent projects in the coming year, but nobody felt these packages were wholly adequate. Researching political communication today appears to involve a lot of muddling by, as the ‘object’ of analysis – the intersection of media and political relations – appears in a state of permanent revolution.